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Em busca de um projeto de nação: revisitando a obra de Celso Furtado; Search of a nation project: revisiting the Celso Furtado's work

Carvalho, Clerisnaldo Rodrigues de
Fonte: Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP Publicador: Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 11/03/2009 PT
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O presente trabalho analisa, interpreta e discute as análises do economista Celso Furtado quanto ao processo de construção do Estado nacional brasileiro desde o processo de industrialização dos anos 30, a partir de uma perspectiva de desenvolvimento de um sistema econômico e centros de decisão nacionais que vai se configurando com a industrialização. Consideramos necessário que a construção do Estado nacional, idéia central do trabalho a ser perseguido, culminou com as abordagens geográficas categoriais de nação, espaço, território, região presentes nos aportes teóricos de C. Furtado e que é um campo interpretativo de suma importância nas abordagens de análise da ciência geográfica. Analisamos o período dado por C. Furtado como de construção do Estado nacional a partir dos anos 30, do século passado; apontamos o arrefecimento do Estado nacional, nos governos militares e o seu desmanche nos governos neoliberais da década de 90. A partir destas constatações históricas observamos a necessidade intrínseca de retomada do desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro e o fortalecimento do Estado nacional como mecanismo de solidificação das estruturas da economia e da sociedade frente ao descontrole do capital. A direção é no sentido de mantermos a perspectiva de C. Furtado...

Autonomia federativa: delimitação no direito constitucional brasileiro; Federative autonomy: delimitation in Brazilian constitucional law.

Quintiliano, Leonardo David
Fonte: Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP Publicador: Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 20/12/2012 PT
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O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras...

Elementos para um conceito jurídico de império

Poletti, Ronaldo Rebello de Britto
Fonte: Universidade de Brasília Publicador: Universidade de Brasília
Tipo: Tese
PT_BR
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, 2007.; Busca-se o verdadeiro significado de Imperium, com fundamento no seu arquétipo romano, a partir de longuíssima tradição poética-religiosa, da missão espiritual de Enéias, revelada por Virgílio, até a consagração de Otaviano Augusto, com o fecho jurídico de Justiniano. O tema se justifica pela utilização nem sempre jurídica da palavra “império”, não raro confundida com “imperialismo”. Há uma relação necessária do “império” com a ordem jurídica mundial, sendo que o assunto suscita considerações a respeito da soberania estatal, do direito internacional, da comunidade européia e da globalização. O enfraquecimento do Estado Nacional pode ensejar um governo mundial? O Direito Romano tem condições de oferecer algo para a problemática política mundial contemporânea? Além disso, o problema conceitual é relevante como parte da investigação científica jurídica. A propósito, é necessário cotejar o Estado Moderno, dito soberano, nacional, territorial e o Império. Na verdade, o aparecimento do primeiro fez desaparecer o segundo. Dessa maneira, a busca de um verdadeiro sentido de Império possibilita oferecer elementos para uma Teoria Geral do Império como um contrapeso à Teoria Geral do Estado. Daí a reflexão a respeito de povo...

The European Union after 9/11: the demise of a liberal democratic asylum regime?

Levy, Carl
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Working/Technical Paper Formato: 214539 bytes; 353 bytes; application/pdf; application/octet-stream
EN_AU
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Introduction:.....This paper will illustrate in a most relevant and painful way the paradoxes of European liberal democracy. The argument is approached by firstly examining the extent to which the rise of the Far or Populist Right has pressurised the European Union into becoming more intolerant, and then it proceeds to examine to what extent the threat of terrorism has undermined the liberal democratic consensus (outlined above). The argument is therefore pitched at two levels: the effects of domestic politics on the national policies of Member States and the inputs of Member States on the joint policies of the European Union. Elsewhere I have used this argument as an illustrative case study in the wider debate about the nature of multi-level governance in the European Union and the associated debate about the extent to which the European Union had taken on the attributes of a sovereign nation-state. Here I can only declare my interest, but of course this interest does shape the way I will pitch my argument.; no

The Kurdish and Iraqi counter-quests for nationhood and the transformation of Iraqi Kurdistan into a quasi-state.

Rafaat, Aram
Fonte: Universidade de Adelaide Publicador: Universidade de Adelaide
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado
Publicado em //2013
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This thesis addresses the protracted Iraqi-Kurdish conflict that has been plagued the country since the incorporation of the Kurdish region into the newly created Iraq in the 1920s. Rejecting the legitimacy of the Kurdish annexation since the beginning, Kurdish nationalists rejected Iraqi rule in Kurdistan and portrayed Iraq as an occupier rather than legitimate ruler. The ‘liberation of Kurdistan’ from ‘Iraqi occupation’ became the main objective of the Kurdish nationalist movement (Kurdayeti) since the formative years of Iraq. Kurdayeti manifested itself as an alternative to Iraqi nationalism. Kurdayeti created Kurdish political parties as autonomous political entities outside of Iraqi control and monopolised the political sphere in Kurdistan. Advocating for the Kurdish quest for nationhood, Kurdayeti challenged the Iraqi quest for a unitary state that insisted upon Iraqi state sovereignty over all of Iraq. Viewing Kurdayeti as a main challenge to the integration of Iraq, successive Iraqi regimes were unwilling to include or even tolerate Kurdayeti. To eliminate its influence in Kurdish society, Iraq adopted policies intent on de-legitimatising and criminalising Kurdayeti, while authorising the use of violence against it. This process proved to be counter-productive. It not only resulted in the failure of the Kurds to integrate into Iraq...

Private and Public Autonomy Revisited: Jürgen Habermas’ Concept of Co-Originality in Times of Globalisation and the Militant Security State

NICKEL, Rainer
Fonte: European University Institute Publicador: European University Institute
Tipo: Trabalho em Andamento Formato: 195232 bytes; application/pdf; digital
EN
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This paper examines the concept of constituent power and constitutional form in Jürgen Habermas’ legal philosophy. It argues that a concept of constituent power needs to be embedded in a constitutional theory that can explain the difference between legitimate law and a mere wielding of power. Theories operating with assumptions of a pre-legal and unbound constituent power are either pre-modern or a-historical. While Habermas’ theory can convincingly spell out general terms for a legitimate constitutionalisation and legitimate law-making, however, it appears to be at the same time too thin and too thick with regard to two recent transformations of the democratic nation-state: Firstly, it cannot grasp the shift from enabling ‘freedom’ to upholding ‘security’ as the central description of the function of the nation-state. This shift has severe implications for the discourse on human rights and their a priori status as constraints on the popular sovereign: the security paradigm seems to trump the notion of inalienable individual rights and replace them with the rule that the end justifies the means. Secondly, the idea of a necessary internal link between public and private autonomy in Habermas’ system of rights appears to be unable to explain the emergence of supranational and transnational law outside of a national legal community. In a different reading...

Post-Nationalism and the Problem of Supranational Political Representation: Legitimising the EU without the Nation-State

GLENCROSS, Andrew
Fonte: Instituto Universitário Europeu Publicador: Instituto Universitário Europeu
Tipo: Trabalho em Andamento Formato: application/pdf; digital
EN
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This paper explores post-nationalism through the lens of representation to assess whether post-nationalism is appropriate for legitimising the supranational EU polity. It claims that the concept and the practice of political representation in the modern state depend on establishing a tripartite distinction between state, government and civil society. This is contrasted with competing notions of the modern state, notably Rousseau’s idea of popular sovereignty and the Jacobin notion of ‘immediate democracy’. The tripartite system, it is argued, enables the sovereign state to found political authority on democratic principles and also allows it to represent an abstract common good. Furthermore, the idea of the nation and the construction of a national narrative are shown to complement the system of representation by providing a transgenerational concept of the common good to which government can be held accountable. The paper subsequently contrasts this national principle of representation with attempts to legitimise the supranational EU polity in a post-national manner: democratic governance and constitutional patriotism. However, governance offers no guarantees as to how and why citizens will be better represented through its transnational networks and by insisting on stakeholding does away with the idea of a common good. Constitutional patriotism forgets that any EU constitution on which it is supposed to be founded will itself be the product of a plurality of debates...

Winning bodies and souls state building and the necessity of nationalism

Adams, Jonathan M.
Fonte: Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School Publicador: Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: xii, 74 p. : ill. ;
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This thesis argues the obvious, but still widely neglected point that for successful state building to occur in the post-Cold War era, nationalism remains a necessary but not sufficient condition for the emergence of a stable modern nation-state. Nationalism is both the key to state building and the central element in any explanation of the limitations of the modern nation-state and the system of sovereign nation-states in the early 21st century. Without a genuinely unifying nationalism and a strong sense of national identity, underpinned by the provision of goods and services, a modern nation-state is nothing but an ineffective bureaucratic edifice masquerading as a modern sovereign nation-state. Despite the post- Cold War resurgence in the theory and practice of state building (or nation building), the crucial role of nationalism receives virtually no attention. The term nationalism is used here in the deepest sense possible: it is not being used to describe a superficial agreement that 'we are all Iraqis now' or 'all Afghanis now' because 'we' elected a new government, usually under the auspices of the United Nations and ostensibly responsible for the 'national' territory within which 'we' live. The central point of this thesis is that despite its apparent obviousness...

A political history of the Texas Republic, 1836--1845

Siegel, Stanley E.
Fonte: Universidade Rice Publicador: Universidade Rice
Tipo: Thesis; Text Formato: application/pdf
ENG
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The annexation of Texas by the United States brought to a close the nine year period of independent existence which the Republic of Texas had enjoyed. During this short era, which began in 1836 and reached its conclusion in 1845, Texas enjoyed all the attributes of a sovereign nation. This work is concerned with the political history of the Republic. It is true that political parties and divisions existed prior to the Revolution, and in this period political differences were based upon distinct principles. The faction led by William H. Wharton in the early stages of the trouble with Mexico was eager for a complete break; the faction led by Austin counseled a moderate program, and did not agree on the wisdom of independence until late in 1835. However, the political divisions on the basis of principles did not continue in the period of the Republic. Politics were almost wholly of a personal nature in the period, 1836--1845. The personality of Sam Houston dominated Texas in that era, and was responsible for the two Houston administrations, as well as the election of Anson Jones, who was Houston's chosen candidate. Also it can be said that the election of Lamar was nothing more than a reversion from the first Houston term in office. Finally...

The European Convention and the Relative Rights of Resident Aliens

RUBIO MARIN, Ruth; O'CONNELL, Rory
Fonte: Instituto Universitário Europeu Publicador: Instituto Universitário Europeu
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
EN
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By virtue of conceptual abstraction, the notion of nationality plays a pivotal role in liberal democracies, governing distinctions in the allocation of ‘absolute’ and ‘relative’ rights, and determining that while national citizens, as full member of a sovereign political community, enjoy both human and political/social rights, resident aliens are excluded from the scope of these latter, community-related, rights. Further, The European Convention upon Human Rights appears to countenance this dichotomy, allowing sovereign states to restrict the political activity of aliens. This paper nonetheless argues that such a distinction undermines the democratic imperative upon which liberal constitutional states are founded. A ‘social integration thesis,’ holding that individuals should enjoy, as a fundamental right, the possibility fully to develop their personalities though establishing and pursuing secure social contacts, as well as interpreting those contacts in the light of prevailing cultural perceptions, not only raises the right of stable residence to one of most fundamental attaching to the human condition, but also indicates that political rights—a mere extension of self-expression and self-fulfilment within civil society—should be recast as a universal entitlement. Article Three of the First Protocol ECHR may be construed in line with the social integration thesis...

Compound republics as viable political systems : a comparison of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation and the European Union

HALDÉN, Peter
Fonte: Instituto Universitário Europeu Publicador: Instituto Universitário Europeu
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado
EN
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Defence date: 28 July 2006; Examining board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute ; Prof. Jens Bartelson, University of Copenhagen ; Prof. Richard Little, University of Bristol; The way the sovereign state is taken for granted in political theory prevents an explanation of historical and contemporary organizations and phenomena different from this ideal type. Peter Haldén bypasses the state and the problems it causes by constructing an understanding of politics and a research model based on classical and early modern republican political theory. This enables historical analysis without anachronism and a new interpretation of the European Union. By comparing the EU with the Holy Roman Empire (1648-1763) and the antebellum United States (1776-1865), he explains that the EU's international weakness is a result of its strength as a security system that stabilizes Europe. The author argues that continued American support and embedding in NATO is necessary in order for the EU to act on the world stage and to stabilize Europe in the long run. Through these theoretical innovations, he explores alternatives to state-building in the Third World.

Neoliberalism and nationalism: representations of asylum seekers in the Australian mainstream news media

Lueck, K.; Due, C.; Augoustinos, M.
Fonte: SAGE Publications Publicador: SAGE Publications
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
Publicado em //2015 EN
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In this article, we build on previous critical discursive research concerning the deployment of nationalist rhetoric in the negative representation of asylum seekers to also consider the interplay between neoliberal and nationalist discourses regarding asylum seekers arriving by boat to Australia. Rather than arguing that neoliberalism and nationalism are incompatible (by virtue of the former being about internationalization and the latter about protecting the nation-state), we argue that in fact media representations of asylum seekers are compatible with both neoliberal and nationalist discourses, with both ultimately aimed at protecting the sovereignty of the (White) Australian nation-state. Utilizing a synthetic approach to critical discourse analysis, we analyze two incidents concerning asylum seekers that were widely reported in the mainstream media in late 2009, namely, the Oceanic Viking and the Jaya Lestari 5 incidents. Our article demonstrates that while many of the discourses concerning asylum seekers can be read as nationalistic in nature (i.e. through 'protecting' a sovereign state and maintaining border control), they can also be seen as neoliberal in relation to the (supposed) economic benefits of excluding asylum seekers and their undesirability on economic terms. The 'threat posed by asylum seekers arriving by boat' was positioned as one that required increased economic support for stricter border protection policies. The economic nature of border protection and security came to the fore not only in terms of its role in keeping out those seen as economically undesirable...

Inducing investment or savaging sovereignty: a report on the development and implications of an investor-state dispute mechanism in an AUSFTA

Miller, Gregory
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Relatório
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An investor-state dispute mechanism, a potential inclusion in an Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) , has the ability to undermine the sovereign law making power of Australian Governments, and alter the fabric of Australian society. Yet despite these dire consequences, the level of examination on the effects of a dispute mechanism on Australia, from academics, the government and media is negligible. This report utilises the NAFTA countries experience with an investor-state dispute mechanism (ISDM) to underscore potential issues , recommendations and considerations for Australia, should a similar mechanism be suggested for an Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFT A). The past two decades have seen a return of bilateralism as an increasingly common method of trade liberalisation. Australia in contrast to world trends, has been signatory to very few bilateral agreements, preferring to concentrate on multilateral negotiations. However, 2003 has marked a redirection of Australia's trade policy, with a free trade agreement (FTA) being signed with Singapore (SAFTA), and negotiations being undertaken for an AUSFTA. There have been a series of reports and quantitative studies performed to ascertain the value of an AUSFTA to Australia. These enquiries have largely ignored the potential impact of an investor-state dispute mechanism on Australian governance and society. However...

A divisão política do território brasileiro : os compartimentos quilombolas no Vale do Ribeira (SP); The political division of the Brazilian territory : the compartments Quilombolas in the valley of the Ribeira River (SP)

Clayton Luiz da Silva
Fonte: Biblioteca Digital da Unicamp Publicador: Biblioteca Digital da Unicamp
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 2010/08/3 PT
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O território pode ser compreendido por suas compartimentações, pois elas são reveladoras de usos do território, quer seja um uso hegemônico - caso das divisões político administrativas construídas para o exercício do poder do Estado - quer seja um uso hegemonizado, caso das compartimentações quilombolas. É esta leitura, dirigida a outras formas de uso do território, que exploramos em nosso trabalho, pois paralelamente ao ordenamento dominante do espaço, novos compartimentos de "legislação especial", vêm solicitando participação política na vida da nação. Propomos analisar o reconhecimento territorial dos compartimentos quilombolas, buscando compreender em que medida ele fortalece a construção da cidadania. O espaço como instância social confere aos agentes sociais distintas possibilidades de realização de seu projeto, de modo que toda resistência tem que levar em conta uma dada forma de uso do território. Daí dizer que toda resistência social é territorial. Estudar a gênese e atualidade dos compartimentos quilombolas implica em analisar o próprio movimento de criação do território brasileiro. Implica ainda ver em que medida os projetos criados no país materializaram ou não a construção de uma nação livre e soberana...

A globalização ou o mito do fim do Estado

Raimundo Batista dos Santos Junior
Fonte: Biblioteca Digital da Unicamp Publicador: Biblioteca Digital da Unicamp
Tipo: Dissertação de Mestrado Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 20/06/2001 PT
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A presente dissertação centra-se na análise da tese do fim do Estado-nação como ator principal das relações internacionais. Busca-se, no estudo, refutar as assertivas dos teóricos da globalização segundo as quais a proeminência de atores não-estatais na política mundial, teria, principalmente a partir da década de 1980, provocado um processo célere de decomposição do poder político estatal. Segundo os globalistas, a estrutura de poder consolidada a partir do Tratado de Paz de Vestfália (1648), que tinha nos Estados nacionais o seu elemento dinâmico, fora, atualmente, fragmentada pela crescente importância assumida pelas empresas transnacionais, ONGs, blocos regionais, indivíduo, etc. A análise do problema apóia-se na concepção de poder infra-estruturalformulada por Michael Mann e na teoriada interdependência.Para Mann, os atuais Estados-nação se consolidaram a partir de uma rede infra-estrutural de poder capaz de enquadrar os atores da sociedade civil, sendo esta o recurso que torna possível a autonomia e a soberania estatal. Conforme a teoria da interdependência, as relações internacionais se orientam, hodiernamente, por uma rede institucional de poder que envolve diferentes atores sociais, sob a tutoria soberana dos Estados-nação. Defende-se...

Nación, representación y articulación territorial del Estado en las Cortes de Cádiz; Nación, representación y articulación territorial del Estado en las Cortes de Cádiz

Varela Suanzes-Carpegna, Joaquín
Fonte: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Publicador: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali
Tipo: info:eu-repo/semantics/article; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion; Artículo Formato: application/pdf; application/pdf
SPA; ENG
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En el contexto de las Cortes de Cádiz, y tomando como base la teoría del Estado, el autor estudia el concepto de nación como sujeto y objeto de representación política, como el sujeto sobre el cual recae la soberanía del Estado. La unidad política española fue dotada de significados muy diversos en las Cortes de Cádiz. Los diputados realistas, defensores de las instituciones del Antiguo Régimen, concebían la nación desde una perspectiva organicista y estamental, como un agregado de provincias y reinos que no debían perder su especificidad ni su autogobierno. Por su parte, los diputados americanos, representantes de una elite criolla, abordaban la nación desde un organicismo territorial, como la sumatoria de unidades singulares soberanas. Finalmente, los diputados liberales de la metrópoli, desde una óptica individualista, concibieron la nación como la unión de las voluntades individuales, como un sujeto compuesto por individuos iguales formalmente, que serían igualmente representados con independencia de condiciones sociales o territoriales.; In the context of the Courts of Cádiz, and based on the theory of the state, the author studies the nation as a subject and object of political representation, as the subject on which state sovereignty depends. Spain‘s political unity had different meanings in the Courts of Cadiz. The royalist deputies...

Terrorista. Euskaldunaren.Eraikuntza. Diskurstsiboa

Atutxa, Ibai
Fonte: Universidade Autônoma de Barcelona Publicador: Universidade Autônoma de Barcelona
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica Formato: application/pdf; application/pdf; application/pdf; application/pdf
Publicado em //2011 MUL
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Artikulu honek Estatu espainiarra eta horren legez kanpoko euskal terroristaren irudiaren eraikuntzari buruzko alderdi esanguratsu batzuk landu nahi ditu. ZEN plana (1983), Arartekoren analisiak (2009), edota Ertzaintzaren web antiterrorista (2011) bezalako Estatu nazioaren diskurtso ofizialak ezinbesteko egingo dira komunitatearen eraikuntzarako. Testu horiek diziplina, botere subiranoa eta kudeaketa gobernamentalaren analisira garamtzate. Triangelu horrek legez kanpokoa homo sacer gisara eraikiko du subjek(tifika)zio teknologia ezberdinen bitartez.; This article attempts to provide some keynotes in trying to understand the construction of the Spanish State and it’s Basque terrorist outlaw. The Nation State’s institutional discourses such as the ZEN plan (1983), Ararteko’s analysis (2009) or Ertzaintza’s antiterrorist website (2011) become indispensable tools for the community’s construction. These texts lead to an interpretation of discipline, sovereign power and governmental management through the subjec(tifica)tion technologies that build the outlaw as Homo Sacer.; Este artículo trata de proporcionar algunas claves en un intento de comprender la construcción del Estado Español y del terrorismo Vasco al margen de la ley. Los discursos institucionales como el plan ZEN (1983)...

The Strength of American Federal Democracy; Lessons for Global Development

Myerson, Roger B.
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
Tipo: Working Paper; Publications & Research :: Policy Research Working Paper; Publications & Research
ENGLISH; EN_US
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A review of the history of the United States from its colonial origins shows how Americas successful development has always been guided by two basic principles: representative democracy, and a proper division of power between national and subnational governments. The United States of America was established as an independent nation by a congress of delegates from 13 provincial assemblies, each of which consisted of representatives elected by their communities. Since colonial times, local democratic rights have attracted immigrants to help build new towns in the growing nation. Responsible local governments in America have had the power and the incentive to make local public investments for developing prosperous communities. Democratic competition in America has been strengthened by the ability of successful local leaders to become competitive candidates for higher offices. But in spite of Americas example, many nations since the French Revolution have instead been drawn to centralized democracy, as national elites may prefer to centralize power around themselves. Americas successful growth ultimately depended on its citizens basic understanding that their welfare and security were enhanced by a balanced federal division of power between their elected local governments and the higher sovereign government of their nation.

Falling back on the (nation) state – and hating it

Dunleavy, Patrick
Fonte: Blog post from London School of Economics & Political Science Publicador: Blog post from London School of Economics & Political Science
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 29/11/2010 EN; EN
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The 2008 global financial crisis unexpectedly thrust the nation state back to the centre of political and economic decision-making, and left much-vaunted global policy institutions struggling ineffectually. Yet Patrick Dunleavy argues that the huge government interventions triggered by the collapse of the economic ‘boom’ years have now very quickly sparked perverse efforts to deny that these events happened. A strong reluctance to recognise that society depends upon the state across many dimensions has been compounded by the sovereign debt crisis – as smaller European states buckle under the burden of forcibly socialized bank debts. Meanwhile the decline of west and the rise of the east and south in world politics increase the unease and anger in western public opinion

The official concept of the nation in the GDR: Theory versus pragmatism.

McKay, Joanna Patricia
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em //1995 EN
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This thesis is a study of the attempts by the leadership of the GDR to devise a concept of the nation which suited their objectives regarding the future of the state and of Germany as a whole, from 1949 until 1989. A simple analysis of official pronouncements on the subject over the years reveals serious inconsistencies and dramatic U-turns. This thesis considers various factors which may have shaped the official line, including the influence of Bonn and Moscow, public opinion and personal convictions. In particular it examines the input of experts from academic institutions in order to answer the question of whether or not the official line on the nation had a clear theoretical basis, or was purely determined by pragmatic considerations. In order to investigate what lay behind official policy, extensive use has been made of material from the SED's Central Party Archive, and interviews were conducted with leading theorists. In this way it was possible to gain a better understanding of the interaction between the political and theoretical aspects of the National Question in the former GDR. The findings reveal that the official concept of the nation was primarily determined by pragmatic, or even opportunistic considerations, and was viewed by the SED leadership as a means to legitimise the GDR in the absence of alternative methods. Initially the intention was to reinforce the claim that the GDR was a model for a future united socialist Germany...