A social strategy was tested for implementing Newcastle disease (ND) vaccination and biosecurity improvements among free-ranging chicken at village level in Tanzania. In addition to training the local poultry vaccinators, data recorders and poultry-keepers, the strategy involved training and empowering leaders at the district, ward and village level. The trainings covered poultry health, management, and marketing of village chickens, with an emphasis on ND vaccination and improving biosecurity against avian influenza (AI), The study sites included villages in one ward in each of three each three districts (Iringa, Mtwara-Mikindani, and Mvomero) of mainland Tanzania. Ninety-six local leaders at district level and 101 leaders at ward levels were trained. In addition, 196 farmers (households) were trained, as well as 86 vaccinators and 26 data recorders. Data recorders were also trained as poultry first aid workers. ND vaccination was conducted by the vaccinators, supervised by their local leaders with technical assistance from veterinarians. A total of 158,343 village chickens were vaccinated in three rounds of vaccination three months apart. The training and empowerment of local leaders and local implementers was the key element for success as it fostered the feeling of local ownership of the program and prevented conflicts with other development activities within the villages. We conclude that most animal health programs will increase their odds of success by involving local leaders and by addressing the current challenges facing the farmers. Further assessment on the usefulness of this approach is needed.
Urban transformation and the production of urban-rural difference have been defining characteristics of reform-era China. In recent years, the Chinese state has taken measures to relieve urban-rural inequity and coordinate urban and rural development. Beginning in 2003, these efforts took the form of “urban-rural coordination,” a national regime of policy reform that included local experiments throughout China. One of the earliest and most significant of these experiments was located in Chongqing, a provincial-level municipality in China’s southwest.
In this dissertation, I explore Chongqing’s urban-rural coordination program as part of a larger process through which urban-rural difference is produced, contested, and mobilized in China. I pursue this project through an investigation of Hailong, a peri-urban village that has undergone rapid transformation over the last decade. An experiment within an experiment, Hailong is a site of intense contestation, as planners, party and state leaders, and residents advance alternately competing and complementary visions of Hailong’s future. Far from a typical village, Hailong’s experimental status and peri-urban liminality clarify the contestation of urban and rural, exposing the politics of urban-rural production. While the specifics of Hailong’s transformation are unique...
Since the early 1980s, the Government of
Niger and its development partners have invested more than
200 billion West African Francs (FCFA) in programs will
promote sustainable land management (SLM) and other
activities to reduce poverty and vulnerability. Overall,
more than 50 programs have promoted SLM in Niger. Despite
large investments in SLM programs, their impacts on land
management, agricultural production, poverty, and other
outcomes are not well known. A few studies have documented
impacts of particular projects and land management practices
in selected locations, finding many favorable impacts.
However, although these studies provide valuable insights,
they are limited in scope and by the methods used. A common
problem is the absence of suitable counterfactual
observations to compare to outcomes for communities and
households participating in programs or using particular
land management practices, or inadequate definition of the
counterfactual used. This analysis is intended to contribute
to knowledge about the impacts of SLM programs in Niger by
addressing some of the methodological limitations of prior
studies. The evaluation is based on a secondary database of
major SLM program activities and village characteristics
assembled for all villages of Niger...
Input subsidy programs carry support as
instruments to increase agricultural productivity, provided
they are market-smart. This requires especially proper
targeting to contain the fiscal pressure, with decentralized
targeting of input vouchers currently the instrument of
choice. Nonetheless, despite clear advantages in
administrative costs, the fear of elite capture persists.
These fears are borne out in the experience from the 2008
input voucher pilot program in Kilimanjaro, Tanzania,
examined here. Elected village officials received about 60
percent of the distributed vouchers, a factor that
significantly reduced the targeting performance of the
program, especially in more unequal and remote communities.
When targeting the poor, greater coverage and a focus on
high trust settings helped mitigate these concerns. The
findings highlight the continuing need for scrutiny when
relying on decentralized targeting. A clearer sense of
purpose (increasing productivity among poorer farmers versus
increasing aggregate output) could also enhance the
This paper estimates the relationship
between initial village inequality and subsequent household
income growth for a large sample of households in rural
China. Using a rich longitudinal survey spanning the years
1987-2002, and controlling for an array of household and
village characteristics, the paper finds that households
located in higher inequality villages experienced
significantly lower income growth through the 1990s.
However, local inequality s predictive power and effects are
significantly diminished by the end of the sample. The paper
exploits several advantages of the household-level data to
explore hypotheses that shed light on the channels by which
inequality affects growth. Biases due to aggregation and
heterogeneity of returns to own-resources, previously
suggested as candidate explanations for the relationship,
are both ruled out. Instead, the evidence points to
unobserved village institutions at the time of economic
reforms that were associated with household access to higher
income activities as the source of the link between
inequality and growth. The empirical analysis addresses a
number of pertinent econometric issues including measurement
error and attrition...
This paper investigates how reductions
of barriers to migration affect the decision of middle
school graduates to attend high school in rural China.
Change in the cost of migration is identified using
exogenous variation across counties in the timing of
national identity card distribution, which made it easier
for rural migrants to register as temporary residents in
urban destinations. The analysis first shows that timing of
identification card distribution is unrelated to local
rainfall shocks affecting migration decisions, and that
timing is not related to proxies reflecting time-varying
changes in village policy or administrative capacity. The
findings show a robust negative relationship between migrant
opportunity and high school enrollment. The mechanisms
behind the negative relationship are suggested by observed
increases in subsequent local and migrant non-agricultural
employment of high school age young adults as the size of
the current village migrant network increases.
While the literature on consumption
insurance is growing fast, little research has been
conducted on how rural consumption insurance is affected by
democracy. In this paper the authors examine how consumption
insurance of Chinese rural residents is affected if the
local leader is democratically elected. Exploring a unique
panel data set of 1,400 households from 1987 to 2002, they
find that consumption insurance is more complete when the
households are in villages with elected village leaders.
Furthermore, democracy improves consumption insurance only
for the poor and middle-income farmers, but not for the
rich. These findings underline the importance of democratic
governance for ensuring better rural consumption insurance
and poverty reduction.
The paper reviews the literature on the characteristics and impact of opinion leaders on the diffusion of new knowledge, concluding that there is no clear evidence on whether opinion leaders are more effective if they are similar in socioeconomic attributes to the other farmers rather than superior to would be followers. A multivariate analysis of the changes in integrated pest management knowledge in Indonesia among follower farmers over the period 1991-98 indicates that opinion leaders who are superior to followers, but not excessively so, are more effective in transmitting knowledge. Excessive socioeconomic distance is shown to reduce the effectiveness of diffusion. The paper then derives operational implications of the empirical results.
Major intrastate conflicts, such as
civil wars, and the resulting set-backs for economic and
political development, have received increasing research
attention in recent years. A growing literature has sought
to investigate conditions that affect the probability of
countries experiencing large-scale violence, in particular
the likelihood of civil war. However, many developing
countries are affected by high levels of communal and
inter-communal conflict that does not take the form of a
civil war, but nonetheless results in significant
casualties, destruction of livelihoods and property.
Pervasive and widespread local conflict is not only a
barrier to development but in some cases threatens to
escalate into larger incidents of unrest or even
fully-fledged violent conflict. Countries undergoing
difficult political and economic transitions appear
especially vulnerable.This paper defines local conflict in
Indonesia in terms of its incidence and impact measured
within a locality, while the causes of local conflict may be
endogenous or extra-local. The Indonesia statistical agency
has adopted a definition of local conflict beyond some
threshold of violence within a given locality in the past
The book discusses basic concepts on key
topics to managing a small piped water system ideally for up
to 1,000 households. It presents tools that can be adapted
by Community-Based Water Organizations (CBOs) for use in
their operations, such as forms, checklists and procedural
guidelines. Illustrative examples have also been compiled
from the experiences of the district local governments,
support organizations and CBOs operating in East and West
Java, who participated in the Multi-Village Pooling (MVP)
Project. This toolkit seeks to compile a set of ready
resources for organizations supporting Indonesian CBOs and
CBOs themselves, which was not previously available despite
many years of rural water investment projects. The book
introduces fundamental concepts in an easy to-understand
way, so that a number of discussions have been simplified.
This will give users a basic understanding enough to seek
further resources or references or advice from experts,
which is encouraged.
In democracies, innovative political
institutions have opened up scope for direct public
participation often in the form of talk: citizens talking to
the state and mutual talk among citizens on matters
concerning community development. A prominent example is the
Indian gram sabha, or village assembly, which occurs in a
highly stratified context. This paper undertakes a
talk-centered analysis of the gram sabha with a focus on
examining the oral participation of women in general and
women affiliated with microcredit self-help groups who have
access to an associational life. The qualitative analysis of
255 gram sabha transcripts from four South Indian states
finds that women associated with microcredit self-help
groups employ a wider variety of narrative styles and
utilize a more multilayered structure to convey their
messages compared with all women taken together. Thus, the
difference is not so much in the numerical instances of
talking or in the types of issues raised, but rather in the
quality of participation. The paper makes an important
theoretical contribution by proposing the concept of oral
democracy as an alternative to deliberative democracy...
Let me assert from the outset that contemporary politics and governance in Micronesia are influenced to a large extent by the traditional system which underlies the modern system. This traditional system has given a unique Micronesian flavour to contemporary politics and governance, albeit undemocratic in some cases. With careful nurturing through regular briefings and consultation by government leaders, the traditional chiefs can be relied upon to muster the necessary public support for policy implementation. The customary power of the traditional chiefs in Micronesia varied from culture to culture. For instance, on Kosrae the power was centralised in a very powerful ruler, while on Yap, the power of the chiefs was decentralised and subjected to elaborate checks and balances built into the customary political relationship. In Palau, the power was vested in the heads of two alliances of villages. These alliances were involved in constant fighting for domination. In Chuuk, the most powerful traditional leaders were the village chiefs. In the Marshall Islands, the most powerful leaders were the two paramount chiefs, one heading each of the two island chains—the Ratak and Ralik. Surprisingly, for low island chiefs, these two paramount chiefs had absolute power. In Pohnpei...
This thesis observes that in most Afghan villages there is a prominent member who acts as the village leader in the village shura (council of respected leaders) and jirgas (council of elders, tribal leaders, lineage leaders, or heads of families). In all cases, the leader is a man. In some cases, he may be the current tribal elder, or he may be a former mujahedeen fighter. Because these men wield the influence necessary to gain villagers general acceptance of the coalition forces fighting in Afghanistan, I assert that they are the most important societal elements to win over. It is upon these leaders, or local powerbrokers (LPBs), that this thesis focuses. The same need for allegiance is true for the Afghan government as well To gain the support of local communities in the current fight against the Taliban, the central government in Kabul must first gain the support and involvement of local leaders. But as Joel S. Migdal points out, there may be conflicts between the empowering of local strongmen and building a state institution. If local powerbrokers get too strong for the government to handle, it can lead to the states demise. In this thesis, I assert that empowering local powerbrokers is a risk that must be taken if peace on terms acceptable to the global community has any chance of success.
The overall objective was to elicit and
sustain meaningful participation by the community in the
management of schools. This could only be possible if the
interface was integrated with local institutions. For this
reason, School Management Committees in approximately half
of the sample villages were strengthened through elections
and capacity-building support to enable Committee members to
effectively respond to community-identified needs. The
primary purpose of this report is to record the rationale
and motivations behind the decisions taken by the project
team during the project’s design and implementation, and to
catalyze a candid discussion about the challenges faced
during implementation. The report is divided into three
sections. The first section deals with the design phase of
the project. There are two chapters in this section. The
first lays out the framework and context for project design;
the second discusses the design and testing of instruments,
the portal, manuals and training of field facilitators.
Section Two focuses on the implementation phase of the
project. The first chapter in this section reviews village
mobilization efforts and the convening of village-level
meetings. The second chapter documents the post-meeting
engagement process through the Community Dialogue Platform...
Recruiting and retaining leaders and public servants at the grass-roots level in developing countries creates a potential tension between providing sufficient returns to attract talent and limiting the scope for excessive rent-seeking behavior. In China, researchers have frequently argued that village cadres, who are the lowest level of administrators in rural areas, exploit personal political status for economic gain. Much existing research, however, compares the earnings of cadre and non-cadre households in rural China without controlling for unobserved dimensions of ability that are also correlated with success as entrepreneurs or in non-agricultural activities. The findings of this paper suggest a measurable return to cadre status, but the magnitudes are not large and provide only a modest incentive to participate in village-level government. The paper does not find evidence that households of village cadres earn significant rents from having a family member who is a cadre. Given the increasing returns to non-agricultural employment since China's economic reforms began, it is not surprising that the returns to working as a village cadre have also increased over time. Returns to cadre-status are derived both from direct compensation and subsidies for cadres and indirectly through returns earned in off-farm employment from businesses and economic activities managed by villages.
Participation of beneficiaries in the
monitoring of public services is increasingly seen as key to
improving their efficiency. In India, the current
government flagship program on universal primary education
organizes community members, specifically locally elected
leaders and parents of children enrolled in public schools,
into committees and gives these powers over resource
allocation, monitoring and management of school performance.
However, in a baseline survey this paper finds that people
were not aware of the existence of these committees and
their potential for improving education. The paper evaluates
three different interventions to encourage
beneficiaries' participation: providing information,
training community members in a new testing tool, and
training and organizing volunteers to hold remedial reading
camps for illiterate children. The authors find that these
interventions had no impact on community involvement in
public schools, and no impact on teacher effort or learning
outcomes in those schools. However...
Using data from 144 village-level
governments in India's Tamil Nadu state, this paper
investigates political reservations for women and whether
the gender of village government leaders influences the
provision of village public goods. A knowledge test of
village government presidents and a survey about the
interaction between village presidents and higher-level
officials reveal that female village government presidents
have much lower knowledge of the village government system
than do their male counterparts and have significantly less
contact with higher-level government officials. Although
male and female presidents provide similar amounts of some
public goods, there is strong evidence that village
governments led by a woman built fewer schools and roads two
public goods that require relatively more contact and
coordination with higher-level officials.
OBJECTIVES: The purpose of this study was to evaluate Children's Village, a life safety education facility for children. SETTING: The study took place in Washington County, Maryland, a rural county. METHODS: Eight elementary schools with 20 second grade classrooms (410 students aged 7 and 8) were selected to participate. Using a quasiexperimental design, tests were administered to two cohorts of children before (pretest) and after (post-test) they attended the Children's Village during 1993-4. Parent and teacher surveys were also completed after the program. RESULTS: Among children who attended in December 1993-January 1994, there was a significant improvement in average test scores between the pretest (58% correct) and post-test (78%). Among children who attended in April 1994, there also was a significant improvement in test scores between pretest (74%) and post-test (85%). Among parents, 70% reported that their child learned a great deal at Children's Village and 33% reported having made changes in their home as a result. The parent survey also revealed that 25% of children and 35% of adults did not always wear their seat belts, and 74% of children did not always wear bicycle helmets. Teachers' responses to the program were generally positive. CONCLUSIONS: Children's Village brought together an extensive network of community leaders...
After initiating the economic reform in 1978 and the subsequent political decentralization, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) largely lost its political control in rural areas. To regain the power, the CCP senior leaders decided to introduce the elections as a strategy to rebuild the legitimacy. After enforced all over the country, the village elections did help ameliorate the local governance and prompt the provision of public goods. However, the unclear stipulation in the Organic Law of Village Elections simultaneously resulted in some institutional outcomes, leading to a power-sharing puzzle between local party branch and the elected village committee. Using the local public policy as an indicator, I will develop a formal model in this paper to explain this puzzle and argue that when facing unpopular policies mandated from above, the struggle between local party secretary and village chief is in equilibrium. To maintain the stability in rural areas, the government leaders in different provinces have put forward various solutions to deal with the conflict, including a political experiment, which was called "Qingxian Model" later, conducted in Qing County of Hebei Province. With a field study, I argue in this paper that by resurrecting the Villager Representative Assembly...
The emergence of broad rural support in West Bengal for the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) is here studied through the history (1960 to present) of two villages in Burdwan district. The focus is on the relationship between the dynamics of village politics and political and ideological changes of the larger polity. Village politics constitutes an important realm of informal rules for political action and public participation where popular perceptions of wider political events and cultural changes are created. The communist mobilization of the late 1960s followed from an informal alliance formed between sections of the educated (and politicized) middle-class peasantry and certain groups (castes) of poor. The middle-class peasantry drew inspiration from Bengal's high-status and literary but radicalized tradition. However, the establishment and dynamics of the alliance, at the local level, can only be understood within the normative framework of the village. The poor appeared previously as marginal to public exercise of village affairs, but were nonetheless able to manipulate resources available to them (numbers, assertion, norms) and thus achieve some leverage vis-a-vis village leaders dependent on man-support or "moral economy" sentiments for legitimacy. The interests of these groups of poor...