Background: Following decades of conflict, South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011. Prolonged conflict, which included gender-based violence (GBV), exacerbated gender disparities. This study aimed to assess attitudes towards gender inequitable norms related to GBV and to estimate the frequency of GBV in sampled communities of South Sudan. Methods: Applying a community-based participatory research approach, 680 adult male and female household respondents were interviewed in seven sites within South Sudan in 2009–2011. Sites were selected based on program catchment area for a non-governmental organization and respondents were selected by quota sampling. The verbally-administered survey assessed attitudes using the Gender Equitable Men scale. Results were stratified by gender, age, and education. Results: Of 680 respondents, 352 were female, 326 were male, and 2 did not provide gender data. Among respondents, 82% of females and 81% of males agreed that ‘a woman should tolerate violence in order to keep her family together’. The majority, 68% of females and 63% of males, also agreed that ‘there are times when a woman deserves to be beaten’. Women (47%) were more likely than men (37%) to agree that ‘it is okay for a man to hit his wife if she won’t have sex with him’ (p=0.005). Agreement with gender inequitable norms decreased with education. Across sites...
Background: Communities in South Sudan have endured decades of conflict. Protracted conflict exacerbated reproductive health disparities and gender inequities. This study, conducted prior to the country’s 2011 independence, aimed to assess attitudes toward gender inequitable norms related to sexual relationships and reproductive health and the effects of sex, age, and education on these attitudes. Methods: Applying a community-based participatory research approach and quota sampling, 680 adult male and female respondents were interviewed in seven sites within South Sudan in 2009–2011. The verbally administered survey assessed attitudes using the Gender Equitable Men scale. Data were stratified by sex, age (≤35 years and >35 years), and education. Results: Of 680 respondents, 352 were female, 326 were male, and 2 did not indicate their sex. The majority of women (77%) and men (74%) agreed “a man needs other women, even if things with his wife are fine”. Respondents who reported no education (60%) were more likely than those who reported any education (45%) to agree “if a woman is married, she should have sex with her husband whenever he wants to, even if she doesn’t want to” (p = 0.002). The majority of women (74%) and men (73%) agreed “it is a woman’s responsibility to avoid getting pregnant”. Respondents who reported no education (81%) were more likely than those who reported any education (72%) to agree with this statement (p = 0.04). When asked about condom use...
El objetivo general de la investigación no es otro que adelantar y formular una reflexión a partir del análisis del aporte de la ley de cuotas en términos de equidad en los procesos de incorporación de la mujer en los niveles decisorios de la rama ejecutiva y judicial entre el año 2001 y el año 2010.; The overall objective of this research is simply to advance and make a reflection from the analysis of the contribution of the quota law in terms of fairness in the process of inclusion of women at decision-making levels of the executive and judicial branches between 2001 and 2010.
Various Latin American countries have adopted gender quota laws during the past years in an effort to target the deficit in women´s political representation. Although Chile is one of the most stables countries in the region, the number of women in political positions is far behind the regional average. Since Chile’s first female president, Michelle Bachelet, seized power at the beginning of 2006, gender issues have been booming in Chile. The main difficulties of Chilean women in entering the formal political sphere lie in the binominal electoral system, candidate selection procedures of the parties, the liberal citizenship model and the low participation of women in labor life. Through the examination of these institutional settings and discoursal context, I explore the possibilities for adopting a gender quota law in Chile in this dissertation. The highest barrier for gender quotas is posed by the binominal nature of the electoral system, which makes the application of quotas within this system problematic. Further restrictions are posed by the political ideology and the positioning of party elites of mainly right-wing parties towards gender quotas. The reform of the Chilean electoral system is a necessary condition for the quota adoption. On the discoursal level the adoption of the gender quotas depends on the outcome of political negotiations over the electoral reform and the positioning of different actors towards quotas.; Viele lateinamerikanische Länder haben Geschlechter-Quoten während der letzten Jahre eingeführt mit dem Ziel...
Over the last more than two decades, political parties and governments across sub-Saharan Africa have adopted electoral gender quotas for parliament at an astonishing rate – and with remarkable success as many sub-Saharan African countries have catapulted to the top in terms of women’s representation in a single or lower house of parliament. During a first wave in East and Southern Africa, quotas were adopted in the aftermath of conflicts and in the course of political transitions as mobilized national women’s movements, influenced by an international women’s movement and international norms, took advantage of political openings to press for the adoption of quotas through new constitutions or new electoral laws. In some cases a clear diffusion effect was at play between political movements that closely influenced one another. During a second wave mostly, though not only, in West Africa, quotas are again being adopted as women’s movements, in collaboration with regional, continental and international organizations, similarly press for an increased representation of women during constitutional reform processes or through revisions to electoral laws. During this second wave, creative quota designs have emerged as parties and governments have sought to strengthen existing electoral gender quotas or adopt them for the first time. This paper examines some innovations in quota design and quota use in three sub-Saharan African cases that are part of the second wave...
Quotas in politics are almost always designed to advance the legislative representation of a single group, for example, women or indigenous peoples. Even in countries with quotas aimed at more than one group, policies are almost always structured differently and implemented separately. By addressing inequalities by gender and indigeneity in piecemeal, indigenous women may be at particularly high risk of continued political marginalization. In this paper, I investigate the ways that quotas targeting women and indigenous groups – in particular, the use of single or dual policies – shapes the legislative representation of indigenous women. I also consider the politics of “nested quotas” that specifically address within-group diversity. I focus, in particular, on the case of Jordan, which adopted a nested quota for Bedouin women in 2012. Overall, I find scant evidence of the political empowerment of women from indigenous tribal groups – even in countries explicitly promoting their political representation.
This paper reviews three decades of gender quota policies in Germany and assesses policy adoption in parties, public administration, as well as on corporate and public boards. Germany was an early adopter of quotas for women in political parties and in public administration. Even though both measures were controversial when first enacted in the 1980s and early 1990s, they have since become rather low-profile gender equality strategies. A recent initiative to adopt quotas for women on corporate and public boards, by contrast, produced substantial public discussion. The mainstreaming of positive action plans in public institutions that include decision quotas, fixed quotas and goal quotas has given gender advocates formally strong leverage to advance a gender equality agenda. At the same time, a culture of minimalist compliance has pervaded the public sector and parties. Male institutions and organizations tend to exhibit more passive resistance than vocal opposition, thus making it difficult for feminists to engage effectively with non-compliance. A lack of sanctions as well as intricate strategies to circumvent quota decisions add to a sense among German feminist activists that quotas are one, but by no means the only strategy for gender equality in public life.
In 2007 Spain introduced statutory electoral and corporate board gender quotas as part of a broader gender equality programme. These quotas greatly differ with regard to the parity criteria in use, the period of application, and the measures for promoting compliance or sanctioning non-compliance. Electoral quotas are by far the most successful ones. This paper seeks to tease out why corporate board quotas lag behind electoral gender quotas. To explain this differential approach to gender quotas we assess the broader institutional configuration affecting these reform processes by looking at the obstacles and enabling (national and international) factors, the actors and networks pushing for or resisting each of the quota reforms as well as their framing strategies. We conclude that most of the enabling factors that exercised pressure in favour of gender quotas in politics were weak or missing in the economic sector and, thus, could not counteract the strong oppositional factors.
When in Slovenia after the first multi-party election in National Assembly (NA) 1992 the share of women MPs dropped dramatically and did not changed a lot during the 1990s women activists and left-oriented female politicians started a struggle for an effective measure to improve this situation. First proposals to introduce quotas for internal party bodies and national election came from women in the center and left-wing political parties but with no visible effect for the presence of women in elected political bodies. It was only when legal quotas have been introduced that they brought significant changes in the representation of women in Slovene politics. This paper will focus on the importance of legal and institutional mechanisms that brought up more women in politics in the last elections at all levels but also on the limitations in the functioning of the quota regulations in the Slovene political and institutional context.
The paper addresses the dilemmas, contradictions and paradoxes in the Danish approach to gender quotas and gender equality and discusses the intersections of citizenship, democracy and gender justice. Gender research understands gender quota as a means to achieve equal rights, gender equality and gender parity. Gender theory has conceptualized gender parity as one step towards achieving gender justice in all arenas of social, political and economic life. The Danish cases illustrate that context matters and question gender quota as a universal strategy to achieve gender equality. The empirical focus of the paper is placed on three arenas: 1) gender quota in political governance; 2) gender quota in parental leave policies; and 3) gender quota in economic governance. The paper is primarily concerned with analyses of Danish discourses and policies in relation to the three policy areas and only to a limited extent addresses the impact of these policies and their implications for lived practice. One issue concerns the paradox of the relatively high female representation in politics without the adoption of gender quotas. A second issue concerns the gap between gender equality policies. Denmark lacks behind the other Scandinavian countries’ discourses and policies about gender quota but in practice the picture is much more complex. A third issue concerns the European perspective. In relation to women’s labour market participation and gender parity in politics Denmark is ahead of other European countries but lacks behind in relation to equal representation on corporate boards.
This contribution brings together the more partial analyses of the panoply of Belgian gender quotas. By putting the different gender quotas in a comparative perspective, we hope to contribute to a better understanding of eventual broader patterns underlying the Belgian gender-quotas landscape. More precisely, this contribution focuses on: i) a comparative analysis of the quota rules set for the different sectors; ii) the domestic factors playing a role in the putting on the agenda and adoption of gender quotas; and iii) inter-, supra-, and transnational factors and the interplay of different political levels in the adoption of gender quotas. The analysis shows that Belgium, a traditional laggard when it comes to gender equality, imposes gender quotas by law on a broad range of sectors (elected political office, advisory committees, boards of listed and state-owned companies, and decision-making bodies in universities), turning Belgium into a world leader in gender quotas. This top-down process would not have been possible without the persistent agency of the women’s movement, especially actors embedded within the women’s branches of a certain number of political parties, and the underlying concept of citizenship – because it echoes it. While inter-...
The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the recently adopted law on gender electoral quotas marks a change in the approach to gender issues and gender equality in Poland. It also aims to describe the trajectory of women’s movement in a post-Communist country and to identify causes related to the role of women in the Solidarity movement that resulted in low visibility of women in government and decision-making positions. The paper departs from the assumption that Poland is not moving away from a narrowly conceived equal rights/opportunities model, because such model has not yet been fully implemented. In the context of the present ‘war on gender’, women’s full political, economic, social, and more specifically, private citizenship is a long-term project. As of now, women remain instrumental for achieving political parties’ further aims, and any gestures that seem to advance women’s position in the public sphere are usually merely symbolic. Yet, the emergence of a strong women’s movement helps to frame the public discourse in gendered terms and gradually include its propositions in the mainstream policy.
The gender quota reform for corporate boards, first adopted in Norway in 2003 and fully implemented from 2008, has had great repercussions. A wave of diffusion of corporate board quota legislation has swept across Europe, and some other parts of the world. This paper departs from the ongoing European processes of gender quotas for corporate boards being in the making, and examines how the Norwegian expansion of gender quota regulation from the public sector to the corporate world was made possible. The strong tradition in Norway to introduce gender quota arrangements to promote gender balance is emphasized in particular. The paper addresses national preconditions and processes. Central questions are: How does this reform fit with the Norwegian gender equality policy tradition? And what external factors – and institutional tensions – facilitated the policy process? What kind of problem(s) did the gender quota legislation aim to solve? What were the main positions in public and political debates surrounding the policy process? What was the role of policy agency for the result of the policy process?
Ever since the 1990s, legislated gender quotas have been adopted across the world as a means to increase the number of women in elected bodies. In recent years, legislated gender quotas have also been adopted to rectify the under-representation of women on company boards. Sweden diverges from this trend. Despite the fact that Sweden has been recognized as a model of gender equality, being ranked among the most gender equal countries in the world and having achieved gender balanced political assemblies, legal gender quotas have not been enacted, neither in the political sphere nor in the economic sphere. This paper analyses women’s path to power in Sweden. It studies the adoption of special measures and provides an assessment of the factors that facilitate or hinder increases in the proportion of women decision-makers in the political and economic sectors. By applying feminist institutional theory, the dynamics of institutional configurations facilitating or hindering change is investigated. It is argued that the interplay of institutions in the political sector operated in a mutually reinforcing way, thereby constituting a good fit, while the interaction of institutions in the economic sector functioned in a conflicting way. It is also claimed that women’s movement organisations (working both within and outside of the political parties) represented critical actors in implementing party quotas in Sweden. Such coordinated efforts did not exist in the corporate sector. There...
Nearly 30 years after the first gender quota regulation was introduced in Austria and the establishment of gender equality legislation and institutions, the proportion of women in public offices rose within this time, but has stagnated roughly at 30 % for the recent years. To understand this cleavage of the gender equality claim and the stagnation regarding women’s participation in decision-making processes, we will critically explore the gender quota policies in Austria from the perspective of substantive equality and gender democracy. Gender quota claims inherently entail the potential to deepen democracy and transforming societies towards more substantive justice and equality. To be able to analyse if and how gender quota regulations can become transformative measures, we would like to argue for a stronger theorization of the concept of gender regime to more deeply and precisely understand the workings and specifics of power relations within a society supporting gender inequalities as well as to assess possibilities of change. Taking Austria’s debates about women’s representation as an example, the paper will develop the argument that a conservative gender regime with elements fostering an corporate, breadwinner model and difference-narrative orientated topography will very unlikely implement gender quota regulations as transformative measures...
The so-called Parity Act was an important milestone in the promotion of gender equality in Portugal, due, amongst other things, to its impact upon an electoral system that the inertia of the party political system had been unable to change. Analyses of the appearance of quota policies in Portugal have not generally considered the role played by the main official body for equality, the Commission for Citizenship and Gender Equality, and its networks. However, as Mona Lena Krook has pointed out, efforts to increase the number of women in political office have rarely occurred without the mobilization of women. This paper adopts the state feminism approach to explore the Commission’s decisive role in presenting feminist claims before the state (a role that has been systematically ignored), focusing on the way this body as well as the women’s associations related to it have contributed to promote women’s participation in politics in Portugal.
Fonte: Victoria University PressPublicador: Victoria University Press
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
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This article explores the factors that contribute to the success or failure of gender quota campaigns through an analysis of two case studies from the Pacific Islands region: Samoa and Papua New Guinea. While Samoa became the first Pacific independent sta
Fonte: Deakin UniversityPublicador: Deakin University
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
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This article examines whether Australia should introduce a gender quota on ASX 200 boards. Although existing institutional arrangements favour voluntary initiatives, Australia may be at a critical juncture where two factors — the public, pragmatic nature of the statutory regulation of corporations in Australia and the current salience of gender as a political issue —may favour the introduction of a quota. In particular, Australian policy-makers may be amenable to change by observing initiatives from other jurisdictions. It is argued that we should maintain a healthy scepticism about functionalist arguments such as the business case for women on boards. Rather, we should invoke enduring justifications such as equality, parity and democratic legitimacy to support a quota. The optimal design of an Australian gender board quota will be also be explored.
In this paper I look at the effect of gender quotas on women’s political engagement. In particular I ask whether the enactment of a gender quota encourages women to become more involved in politics by sending the signal that politics is not an activity reserved for men.
The main source of data for the outcome variables is the World Values Survey (WVS) five wave dataset (1981-2008) that includes surveys conducted in 87 countries, the total number of respondents is 257,597. The first wave of the WVS was carried out in 1981, a second wave of the WVS took place in 1990, the third wave took place in 1995, the fourth wave took place in 1999-2000, and the last wave was carried out in 2005-2007.
The final sample is reduced. I selected the countries that provided information of at least one point in the past before the enactment of the quota and one point after the enactment of the quota. The treatment group is composed of all those countries that established a quota at some point during the survey and the control group is composed of those countries that never established a gender quota. The resulting groups include 21 countries that have a quota with 88,749 respondents, and 23 countries without a quota and 76,587 respondents in this group. Countries that score a 3 on Freedom House’s Freedom in the World Index were also dropped from the dataset.
Data on the independent variable existence of a gender quota was obtained from the Quota Project as well as secondary sources.
In the first part of the analysis I compare differences in women’s political engagement for countries with a quota and for countries without a quota on five outcomes: discuss politics with friends...
This article sets out to explore the effects of the quota law by comparing the composition by sex of the legislatures and the legislative activity of women MPs in Argentina and Uruguay since 1993 to 2003 (first ten years with quotas in Argentina). In 1991 Argentina became the first country in the world to establish by law a quota system that guarantees womens access to parliament. This institutional reform produced an important impact on many countries of Latin America which sanctioned similar laws. In contrast, in 2003 Uruguay failed to pass the third bill presented since 1988 proposing the introduction of a similar quota system, and remains one of the few countries in the Region that has not introduced a quota law. At the present, Argentine women deputies comprise over a third of members of the Chamber of Representatives, while just 11 per cent of members of the Uruguayan Chamber of Deputies are women. The main objective of this paper is to undertake a comparative study of the Argentinean and Uruguayan cases based on an analysis of women MPs parliamentary activity, focusing on the bills they present, in order to identify effects of quotas on the design of parliamentary gender agenda. The central hypothesis is that quotas have an outstanding influence engendering legislative agenda however other relevant factors must be taken into account in order to understand the whole process. These would contribute to the comprehension of the presence of a clear gender agenda in the Uruguayan case. These other variables include levels of gender awareness among female deputies and inter-party networking around a gender legislative agenda.