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Political Leadership, Conflict, and the Prospects for Constitutional Peace

Jennings, Colin
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
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The emphasis on constitutional political economy has been that new rules and institutions can be devised that improve the welfare of a society. Given the number of societies that are infected with political conflict and, as a result, lower levels of welfare, this paper attempts to analyze why we do not see more constitutional conventions aimed at eliminating conflict. The key idea is that expressively motivated group members may create incentives for instrumentally motivated group leaders such that it leads them to choose conflict rather than compromise. Nonetheless, it is not argued that such a peace is impossible to obtain. This leads to a further question, that if such a constitutional agreement could be found, would the expressive perspective alter the conventional instrumental perspective on the sort of constitutional reform that should be undertaken?

Enhancing Economic Reforms through Social Development : Brazil State Pension Systems Reform LIL

Kuehnast, Kathleen
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
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46.54%
Resolving the pension crisis in Brazil has been neither straightforward nor technically easy. The World Bank provided technical assistance via diagnostic tools that assessed the impacts of current pensions at the state level. The analysis identified likely impacts various pension reform models might have on different social groups, including the poor. The project was realistic in scope. It was intended only to equip the states technically to address pension reform and to assist in setting up stakeholder discussion groups to openly examine and debate the merits of various pension reform proposals. The government allowed the testing of these diagnostic tools on the social security system. In the end, such technical assistance could achieve only part of the reform. The critical component was building internal government support for constitutional reforms of the pension system. This Note summarizes how the State Pensions system Reform LIL Project created the capacity for learning, trust, and reform.

Constitution and human rights provisions in Indonesia: an unfinished task in the transtitional process

Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Conference item Formato: 179384 bytes; 352 bytes; application/pdf; application/octet-stream
EN_AU
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Indonesia is now facing the important moment of constructing a new foundation in a transitional period. After the fall of the New Order regime, there have been efforts in bringing Indonesia through the period of transition to democracy. One of the efforts is to reform the 1945 Constitution. Until now, the Peoples Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, MPR) has promulgated three amendments consisting of 103 new/amended provisions. From the fact that there are three amendments, one may form the opinion that the reform started in 1998 has been going well in terms of constitutional reform. There are, however, certain issues beyond the quantity of the articles and the legality of the process. Can the amended articles meet the need of democratisation? What are the implications of the inserted new articles to human rights and the political system? Has civil society genuinely participated in the process? Having reviewed the way in which the MPR performed the process, does the MPR have full legitimacy to reform the constitution? I will address the issues while referring to human rights provisions in the constitution. In addition, because I am here in my capacity as an NGO personnel who has been involved closely with the civil society movement advocating a New Constitution through Constitution Commission...

Democracy and institutional change in Britain

Seyd, Ben
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Working/Technical Paper Formato: 201016 bytes; 354 bytes; 354 bytes; application/pdf; application/octet-stream; application/octet-stream
EN_AU
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Introduction: Since 1997, Britain has undergone a major programme of constitutional reform, which has reshaped its legislative, electoral and legal institutions. A number of reasons – beyond mere partisan self-interest – could be given to explain the reforms: a desire to limit the authority wielded by the government of the day, to give territorial minorities the opportunities for greater self-expression, to strengthen the legally enforceable rights of individuals over the state, to improve the decision making capacity of the state and thus contribute to economic efficiency, and so on. Among the plethora of reasons that commentators and policy actors themselves have provided for the reforms is the belief that the reshaping of Britain’s core political institutions is a necessary step in improving the links between citizens and government. A representative statement of this position was provided by Tony Blair prior to gaining office: “Changing the way we govern, and not just changing our government, is no longer an optional extra for Britain. So low is public esteem for politicians and the system we operate that there is now little authority for us to use unless and until we first succeed in regaining it.” (‘Democracy’s Second Age’...

Changing constitutions through constituent assemblies: an analysis of representation, interest, consensus, and partisanship at the Australian Constitutional Convention 1998, and the Renewal of Canada Conferences 1992

Kreibig, Dale Johanna
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Thesis (PhD); Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
EN_AU
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This thesis evaluates whether including constituents directly in negotiation proposals for formal constitutional change at constituent assemblies could improve the rate of formal change in Australia and Canada. Some analysts argue that there is little or no need for formal constitutional change, whilst others argue that the lack of it highlights the need to find new ways to debate proposed amendments. In the 1990’s, The Australian and Canadian federal governments departed from usual practice and convened constituent assemblies (or mini constituent assemblies) to debate the merits of a republic for Australia, and proposals for constitutional reform in Canada that became the Charlottetown Accord. This thesis is a case study of those assemblies: the Australian Constitutional Convention 1998, and the Canadian Renewal of Canada Conferences 1992. The first chapter establishes that the rate of formal constitutional change in Australia and Canada is relatively low, and that informal constitutional change is not equivalent to amending the text of a constitution. Analysis of the literature about why proposals put to referenda are rarely ratified in Australia shows that there are no compelling answers to this question and that relatively little attention is given to examining the process used to negotiate formal constitutional change. The second chapter examines literature about the value of constituent assemblies. This review shows that authors disagree about whether...

Lost opportunities and political barriers on the road to constitutional reform in South Australia

Macintyre, C.; Williams, J.
Fonte: Australasian Study of Parliament Group Publicador: Australasian Study of Parliament Group
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
Publicado em //2005 EN
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46.62%
This article is a study of the recent attempts to secure parliamentary and constitutional reform in South Australia through a representative Constitutional Convention held in August 2003. It examines the political context of this Convention from its political genesis at the hands of the independent Speaker of the House of Assembly through to the delivery of the final report to the Parliament. It is argued that the case for reform to sections of the South Australia Constitution, the electoral system and the administration of the Parliament is compelling, but concludes that the prospects of meaningful reform from this exercise are slight. The paper offers an assessment of the proposed changes and considers alternatives. It concludes by arguing that a representative convention is a less successful vehicle for securing constitutional reform and amendment than a process that emanates from, and is supported by, the principal political parties and the parliament itself.; Clement MacIntyre and John Williams

Kelsen in Paris: France’s constitutional reform and the introduction of a posteriori constitutional review of legislation

FABBRINI, Federico
Fonte: Instituto Universitário Europeu Publicador: Instituto Universitário Europeu
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica Formato: application/pdf; digital
EN
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46.62%
The article analyzes the recent French constitutional reform introducing a system of a posteriori constitutional review of legislation. The article places the reform in the context of the tradition French opposition toward judicial review, explains the reform in light of the pressures of EU and ECHR law and assess its revolutionary impact within the French constitutional system.

Reflexiones sobre la validez y revocabilidad de la reforma de la Constitución Española producida en 2011; Thoughts on the validity and revocability of the reform of the Spanish Constitution produced in 2011

Mateos Martínez, José
Fonte: Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Derechos Humanos Bartolomé de las Casas; Dykinson Publicador: Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Derechos Humanos Bartolomé de las Casas; Dykinson
Tipo: info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion; info:eu-repo/semantics/article
Publicado em /01/2013 SPA
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46.64%
Más allá de la cascada de reacciones políticas acerca de las motivaciones y repercusiones para la ciudadanía de la reforma constitucional, resulta innegable que tal medida genera una serie de preguntas de importancia capital en el ámbito del análisis meramente jurídico ¿Fue constitucionalmente adecuado el procedimiento empleado para la reforma? ¿En qué medida afecta al resto de principios, derechos y objetivos constitucionales? ¿Puede decirse que la reforma desvirtúa el modelo de Estado social y democrático de Derecho que consagra el artículo 1.1 de la norma fundamental? ¿Hemos perdido la coherencia interna de nuestro texto constitucional, incluyendo en él contrasentidos lógicamente incompatibles? ¿Es posible que la reforma sea revocada? En las siguientes líneas intentaremos dar respuesta a estos interrogantes apoyándonos en la doctrina constitucional y la filosofía jurídica.; Beyond the waterfall of political reactions it brings over of the motivations and repercussions for the citizenship of the constitutional reform, turns out to be undeniable that such a measure generates a series of questions of cardinal importance in the area of the merely juridical analysis: was the procedure used for the reform constitutionally suitable? In what measure sympathetic on the rest of beginning...

Senate reform

Molloy, Lisa
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Relatório
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46.67%
The has labelled the Senate a ' house of obstruction' and has called for reform of section 57 of the Constitution, which governs how deadlocks between the two Houses of Parliament are resolved. On 8 October 2003, the Howard Government released a discussion paper on resolving deadlocks. The paper canvasses two options for reform that would replace the current double dissolution mechanism: (1) allows for a joint sitting of both Houses of Parliament without the need for an election if the Senate twice rejects or fails to pass legislation that has been passed by the House of Representatives, (2) allows for a joint sitting after a general election for any legislation that was not passed during the life of the previous Parliament. Neither of these proposals for reform actually relate to reforming the powers of the Senate, instead both are designed to increase the power of the Government to have legislation implemented without Senate approval by increasing the opportunity for joint sittings of Parliament. Government legislation would usually be passed at a joint sitting because the House of Representatives is twice the size of the Senate, so the Government majority would prevail. There has been a negative response in the media to these reform proposals. It is arguable that the motivation behind the release of the Government's discussion paper at this time is to gain political advantage at the next election by putting the issue of Senate obstructionism...

Constitutional and judicial recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples: the migration of foundational ideas from Canada to Australia

Parrott, Louise Elizabeth
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Thesis (PhD); Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
EN_AU
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Ideas that are migrating from Canada are already guiding advocates who seek greater judicial and constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. However, there is a need for a conceptual framework through which to approach the lessons that can be learned from Canada in this area. Inspired by The Migration of Constitutional Ideas, an edited work by Sujit Choudhry, in this thesis I argue that by thinking about the migration and transplantation of foundational ideas and by differentiating between four ‘modes’ of migration (arguments of counsel, judicial determinations, academic critique and constitutional reform deliberations), it is possible to better understand some of the processes that are at play. In particular, by adopting the terminology of the ‘migration’ and ‘transplantation’ of ‘foundational’ ideas, I aim to demonstrate that it is dangerous to transplant foundational ideas, whether derived from the common law or constitutional law, without other ideas (particularly in relation to implications) also migrating. This thesis is a response to two distinct but related topics: ‘Topic 1 — The Potential for Judicial Recognition of Indigenous Self-Government Rights: The Migration of Foundational Ideas from Canada to Australia’ and ‘Topic 2 — Constitutional Recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples...

Encouraging 'democracy' in a cold war climate: the dual-platform policy approach of Evatt and Labor toward the allied occupation of Japan 1945-1949

de Matos, Christine
Fonte: Universidade Nacional da Austrália Publicador: Universidade Nacional da Austrália
Tipo: Working/Technical Paper Formato: 139430 bytes; 352 bytes; application/pdf; application/octet-stream
EN_AU
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This paper is based on research conducted in Australia and the United States into Australian aims toward the Allied Occupation of Japan under the Chifley government between 1945 and 1949. It challenges the prevailing characterisation of Australian aims as solely seeking a ‘harsh peace’ with Japan. An alternative, two-platform model is proposed to assess Australian aims. The model incorporates the pragmatic and retribution aspects of Australian policy (known as platform-one aims) and the more complex pragmatic and idealist aims of encouraging democratisation in postwar Japan (known as platform-two aims). The paper focuses on platform-two aims, as these tend to be neglected in historiography on the Australian role in the Occupation. The paper discusses three examples of Australian policies regarding the democratisation of Japan – constitutional reform, land reform and labour reform. These policies are placed in the context of Dr H.V. Evatt’s vision for the postwar world and the emerging Cold War. The paper assesses Australia’s ability to contribute to postwar reform in Japan during the Occupation. Obstacles to the implementation of Australia’s agenda included the difficulty to turn rhetoric into practice, problems in the Department of External Affairs...

Making Federalism Work : The 18th Constitutional Amendment

Shah, Anwar
Fonte: World Bank, Washington, DC Publicador: World Bank, Washington, DC
Tipo: Publications & Research :: Working Paper
ENGLISH; EN_US
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The almost unanimous passage of a landmark consensus constitutional amendment "the 18th Constitutional Amendment" restored Pakistan's constitution to its original intent of a decentralized federation of four provinces as envisaged in the 1956 and 1973 constitutions. This amendment was hailed by policy makers and academics alike as a major step forward in reforming the multi-order governance in Pakistan. This paper takes a closer look at the provisions of this amendment and highlights both the potentials and pitfalls of the new constitutional order for good governance in Pakistan. The paper concludes that the amendment must be seen as a first yet small and incomplete step in reforming multi-order governance in Pakistan. A large unfinished reform agenda remains to be charted.

Mutação constitucional no âmbito do artigo 52, X, da constituição da República Federativa do Brasil; Constitutional mutation in the scope of article 52, x, of the federative republic of Brazil’s constitution

Búrigo, Pedro Isaias Sônego
Fonte: Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul Publicador: Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Tipo: Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso Formato: application/pdf
POR
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A investigação tem por objeto a análise crítica da tese que defende a ocorrência do fenômeno da mutação constitucional no âmbito do artigo 52, X, da constituição da república federativa do Brasil: compete privativamente ao senado federal suspender a execução, no todo ou em parte, de lei declarada inconstitucional por decisão definitiva do supremo tribunal federal. Para isso, fixa, primeiramente, o conceito de constituição colocando em perspectiva sua dimensão normativa em conexão com realidade constitucional. Por conseguinte, trata da reforma da constituição, enquanto modificação no texto constitucional, abordando a questão, também, sob o ponto de vista da constituição vigente. Nessa primeira parte, ainda, verifica o conceito de mutação constitucional. Na segunda parte, é feito o levantamento sobre o surgimento da norma constitucional e sua evolução na tradição jurídico-constitucional brasileira. Aborda-se sua aparição nas constituições brasileiras para, então, compreender qual seu fundamento histórico e, portanto, sua função jurídico-constitucional. Por fim, na última parte, enfrenta-se a tese da mutação constitucional no âmbito do artigo 52, X, propriamente dita, reconstruindo seu raciocínio para...

Estado constitucional: marco institucional esencial para la comprensión de los límites de la reforma constitucional; Estado constitucional: marco institucional esencial para la comprensión de los límites de la reforma constitucional

Marín Castillo, Juan Carlos; Zuluaga Duque, Diana Elizabeth
Fonte: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali Publicador: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali
Tipo: info:eu-repo/semantics/article; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion; Artículo Formato: application/pdf; application/pdf
SPA; ENG
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El surgimiento del Estado constitucional significó una nueva dimensión del concepto de constitución, en el que adquiere el carácter de norma fundamental que sustenta todo el ordenamiento jurídico. En este sentido, la constitución se torna en detentadora y límite de los poderes constituidos y en garantía de los derechos fundamentales, cuyo origen popular condiciona las revisiones que se hagan de ella. El presente artículo plantea los elementos esenciales del Estado constitucional como el marco institucional necesario instituido para la defensa de una serie de principios y valores que han sido elevados a un rango superior, con el fin de orientar la vida política, social, económica y cultural de un país. Para evitar que sean subvertidos o modificados arbitrariamente, se establecen algunos límites al poder de reforma.; The emergence of the constitutional state represented a new dimension of the very concept of a constitution, in which this document acquired the character of a fundamental rule that underpins the entire legal system. In this sense, the constitution becomes the basis and the limit of the constituted powers and the guarantee of fundamental rights. Its popular origin curbs the amendments that can be made to it. This paper discusses the essential elements of the constitutional state as the institutional framework established for the defense of a set of principles and values that have been raised to a higher status...

Cambio y l??mites en Marruecos: propuesta de reforma constitucional sobre el Gobierno

Parejo Fern??ndez, Mar??a Angustias
Fonte: Fundaci??n CIDOB Publicador: Fundaci??n CIDOB
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica
SPA
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46.45%
Una de las novedades m??s destacadas de la nueva arquitectura pol??tico-constitucional en Marruecos es el nuevo estatuto del Gobierno. En el presente art??culo se analizan las propuestas de reforma constitucional sobre el Gobierno que realizaron los partidos de la antigua oposici??n y del Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo en 2011. Los objetivos son, por un lado, desvelar el proceso de redefinici??n del campo del consenso y valorar la fuerza o debilidad de los partidos de la oposici??n institucional para incidir en un nuevo pacto pol??tico m??s democr??tico; por el otro, evaluar el alcance de la autonom??a pol??tico-constitucional de este nuevo modelo del Gobierno y su contribuci??n a la democratizaci??n del r??gimen pol??tico marroqu??.; One of the stand-out novelties of the new politico-constitutional architecture in Morocco is the new government statute. This article analyses the proposals for constitutional reform of the government made in 2011 by the parties of the former opposition and the Party of Justice and Development. The paper???s objectives are, on the one hand, to reveal the process of redefinition in the field of consensus and to assess the strength or weakness of the institutional opposition parties in influencing a new...

The abolition of the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee is a loss to Parliament and British democracy

Blick, Andrew
Fonte: Democratic Audit UK Publicador: Democratic Audit UK
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 26/05/2015 EN
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56.37%
The incoming majority Conservative Government have made one of their first decisions the abolition of the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee, currently Chaired by the Labour MP Graham Allen. Andrew Blick, who worked closely with the committee argues that the decision is a poor one, and that its work – both high profile and more mundane – will be greatly missed.

The demise of the Parliament’s Political and Constitutional Reform Comittee: executive power is again predominant

Allen, Graham; Smith, Martin; Richards, Dave
Fonte: Democratic Audit UK Publicador: Democratic Audit UK
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 25/05/2015 EN
Relevância na Pesquisa
56.37%
Just how strong is the Conservatives mandate? With only 24.7% of eligible voters opting to support them, perhaps not as strong as their majority might suggest. One of their first moves has been to abolish the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee, a key organ of democracy in the struggle to improve British democracy. Here, the most recent Chair of the Committee Graham Allen MP, Martin Smith, and Dave Richards argue that the whole affair illustrates an indulgence of executive power over the legislature.

Assessing how far Charter 88 and the constitutional reform coalition influenced voting system reform in Britain

Dunleavy, Patrick
Fonte: Oxford University Press on behalf of the Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government Publicador: Oxford University Press on behalf of the Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government
Tipo: Article; PeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em //2009 EN; EN
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46.62%
Lead in large part by Charter 88 and the Scottish Constitutional Convention, the activities of the constitutional reform movement since the early 1990s have clearly helped to introduce new proportional voting systems into UK politics. Yet, at the same time, the Labour governments after 1997decisively rejected voting reform for the House of Commons and dragged out Lords reform to prevent any direct election of a second chamber. To explore how Charter 88 and other groups influenced this process I first examine and critique the conventional wisdom that the reform movement’s influence had minimal influence, as expressed by Anthony King’s 2007 book, The British Constitution. Second, to illuminate the processes that King leaves so obscure, I chart three critical games played largely inside the Labour party from 1994 to 2003: – the pre-election game that lead to Blair’s initial pledge of a referendum on voting reform; – the ‘new institutions’ game that produced a welter of new proportional voting systems everywhere else but Westminster; and – the post-landslide game that lead to Labour reneging on the voting system referendum pledge, plus taking no action on Commons or Lords electoral reform. Despite these latter setbacks a large-scale transition of UK voting systems has already taken place. British voters are increasingly used to proportional representation and the defence of plurality rule is intellectually dead (as the weaknesses of King’s analysis inadvertently demonstrate). So the overall story is one of unprecedented success for electoral reformers...

A significant loss to UK democracy: experts respond to the abolition of the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee

Thompson, Louise; Allen, Graham; Berry, Richard; Blick, Andrew
Fonte: Democratic Audit UK Publicador: Democratic Audit UK
Tipo: Website; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em 29/05/2015 EN; EN
Relevância na Pesquisa
56.37%
The incoming majority Conservative government has opted to abolish the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee, which unlike the other commons committees does not exist on a statutory basis. Democratic Audit UK asked experts and practitioners to respond to the news, who are united in considering it a foolhardy decision which will do little to improve Britain’s ailing democracy.

"Together but not married": the effects of constitutional reform inside political parties

Vairo,Daniela
Fonte: Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política Publicador: Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica Formato: text/html
Publicado em 01/01/2008 EN
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56.37%
In the year 1996 Uruguay carried out a constitutional reform that introduced substantial changes in the previous electoral system. From an institutionalism perspective, it could be expected that those changes affected the actors' incentives and strategies. Within this logic, this article inquires into the possible effects that modifications of some electoral rules may produce in the patterns of intraparty cooperation and competition. The aim is to register the change in the incentives of the actors at the local level, in order to cooperate with the actors at the national level in legislative and presidential elections. This analysis is done through a case study: the leaders and local groups from Partido Nacional in the district of Maldonado (1994-2005).